The Life and Works of Chuang Tzu
Featuring a biographical sketch of Chuang Tzu.
Chuang Tzu is generally regarded as a foundational figure of early Taoism in ancient China. Historically, Chuang Tzu has been associated with Lao Tzu, the alleged author of the book Tao Te Ching.
Similar to the mystery surrounding Lao Tzu, we know very little about the historical Chuang Tzu as a person. In fact, given all the records, we can only estimate that he was born in the 4th century BC, and approximately lived between 369 and 296 BC.
According to the great historian, Si Maqian 司馬遷 (145-86 BC), the father of Chinese historiography,
Chuang-tzu 莊子 was a native of Meng 蒙. His praenomen was Chou 周. Chou once served as a functionary at Ch’i-yuan 漆園 (Lacquer Garden) in Meng. He was a contemporary of King Hui 惠 of Liang (370- 335 BC) and King Hsuan 宣 of Ch’i (342-324 BC).1
An interesting note can be observed regarding the two Taoist philosophers: the specific dates of their birth and death are shrouded in mystery. This differs from the pre-Qin Confucianism (先秦儒家, referring to Confucianism before Qin unified China in 221 BC), as represented by Confucius (551-479 BC) himself and Mencius (372-289 BC).
The two Confucian scholars had comparatively more traceable life activities, to a large extent, because they each had a large gathering of disciples. Confucius’s status in Chinese culture extends not only to being the founder of Confucianism but also to being a revered teacher.
In contrast, Chuang Tzu had only one disciple, who was known as Lin Qie 藺且.2 It is possible that he had a few other students, yet we do not know their names.
Ancient China had a solid tradition in historiography. Its political history dates back to the early Shang dynasty 商 (1600-1046 BC), with both written and archaeological records. But it’s a daunting task to trace someone who was not active in public office, as the lives of most ordinary people were hardly recorded by early historians.
In Chuang Tzu’s case, alternative methods are needed to produce a general biographical sketch.
A note on the text
Compared to materials such as anecdotes, commentaries, and literary works about Chuang Tzu in historical texts, a basic and reliable source is the entire thirty-three-chapter Chuang Tzu book we have today. This is probably the most feasible way for us to get to know someone so remote, ancient, and unique in a different cultural world.
The existing version of the Chuang Tzu book was collated by Guo Xiang 郭象 (252-312 AD), a philosopher in the Wei-Jin period (220-589 AD).3 His revision of Chuang Tzu has been considered authoritative among scholars and historians for centuries. Yet, there exist some discrepancies between his version and the records from Si Maqian.
According to the historian, the original version of Chuang Tzu’s works was beyond the revised thirty-three chapters,
His works, over 100,000 characters, in general consisted of allegories.4
The current version of Chuang Tzu has fewer than 70,000 Chinese characters, which is obviously different from Si Maqian’s records. A critical message is that Si Maqian most likely had read about chapters that are missing from today’s version.
Do the 30,000 extra characters matter? One character in the traditional Chinese writing system can change the entire meaning of a statement, the fundamental spirit of a text. For instance, an essential line in the Tao Te Ching reads “The person of superior character never acts, nor ever does so with an ulterior motive 上德無為而無以為.”
“Never acts, nor ever does so with an ulterior motive 無為而無以為,” indicates doing things spontaneously, without a hidden agenda or specific intentions. In contrast, “never acts, but with an ulterior motive 無為而有以為,” signifies a way of doing things that is intelligent, not arbitrary nor impulsive, but with a clear purpose and intention. In other words, the gesture of never acting is a camouflage, with intended outcomes in mind.
If the character wu 無 (nonbeing) is changed to you 有 (being), the entire meaning would be changed, and the fundamental spirit of Lao Tzu would have been changed.
“Never acts, nor ever does so with an ulterior motive 無為而無以為” can be captured as emptying of the mind 無心, or dissolving the limits of ego, and forgetting the self 忘我, which is the essential spirit of Chuang Tzu’s philosophy of living.
This is a crucial point to understand Chuang Tzu, as compared to the hermit tradition that values self-preservation and a complete withdrawal from the world (more on this in a later post). The hermit tradition is often associated with the anarchist interpretation of Taoist political thinking. Such a view fails to grasp the fundamental spirit of Taoism that is represented in “inward sageliness and outward kingliness 內聖外王.” And forgetting the self 忘我 is an essential element of the “inward sageliness” principle, which is the precondition of “outward kingliness 外王.”
Guided by the idea of practicing wu-wei, Taoists are supposed to do things in accordance with the natural course, without leaving traces, without seeking recognition or taking credit. In a nutshell, they should leave the scene once things are accomplished, which is captured in Lao Tzu’s saying, “Retire when your work is done, this is Heaven’s way 功遂身退.”
Therefore, Chuang Tzu’s core idea of forgetting the self 忘我, placing the “I” in the infinite stream of being in the phenomenal world, has not only shaped the character of Taoism but also served as a philosophical and cultural bridge when Buddhism was introduced to China.
The success of introducing foreign ideas depends on whether there are receptive cultural elements within the society itself. In this sense, Taoism, particularly the works of Chuang Tzu, serves as a pillar when interacting with Buddhism, fostering a form of cultural harmony.
In the book, we can find stories about Chuang Tzu, his conversations with all types of people, such as fisherman, butcher, craftsman, woodcutter, cripple, hermits, and intellectuals like Hui Tzu. Moreover, the book is also renowned for its rich materials in parables and allegories, through which we can have a glimpse of the boundless imagination of Chuang Tzu and his masterful use of words and sharp philosophical insights.
Two other factors are crucial for us to trace the life of Chuang Tzu. Generally speaking, Chuang Tzu’s influence on Chinese thought, literature, and way of life is widespread and penetrative, perhaps much more impactful than Confucianism. Therefore, despite the lack of official records about him, literary and artistic works, popular lore, scholarly commentaries, and religious traditions contain numerous references to Chuang Tzu.
Another important clue is Chuang Tzu’s relations with politics and his associations with Hui Tzu. It is recorded that he declined an important political offer (more details to follow). With these stories, we’d know the rough timeline in which he lived because the historical period was usually named after the king’s name. Unlike Chuang Tzu, Hui Tzu did take office in the state of Liang. So, based on the period of their interactions, obtaining a general life trajectory of Chuang Tzu becomes possible.
Family background
As told by Si Maqian, Chuang Tzu’s hometown was Meng, a place within the territory of the state of Song 宋. Meng is roughly located in today’s Shangqiu, Henan Province.
During the Warring States period (475-221 BC), most scholars with ambitions would travel frequently to offer counsel and seek political posts from various states. Confucius and Mencius, as representatives of Confucianism, Mozi representing Mohism, and Han Feizi representing Legalism, along with various other scholars from different philosophical and educational backgrounds, all went about the world against the backdrop of significant social, political, and cultural changes. They are generally referred to as the “wandering shih 士” or “free-floating scholars 游士.”5
Chuang Tzu was an exception to these general socio-cultural trends. From his book, we can learn that he spent most of his lifetime in the state of Song. Two anecdotes in the book tell the stories of Chuang Tzu’s encounters with people from his home country.6
Since no clear descriptions are offered regarding the time of these two stories, we only know that they happened in the state of Song. My guess is that, given his connection with his homeland, his general Taoist philosophical view of the state of things in the world, and of course, actual constraints in life, devoting himself primarily to mundane pursuits such as wealth and status, as many other scholars have done so, was not an option for Chuang Tzu.
Despite its brevity, Si Maqian’s records still provide us with some crucial facts regarding Chuang Tzu’s scope of intellectual inquiry,
There was nothing into which he in his learning did not enquire, but in its essentials it went back to the words of Lao-tzu.7 其學無所不窺, 然其要本歸於老子之言.
For any person during this time, to reach the intellectual capabilities of being all-inclusive and thorough, two pathways were possible: either serve in the government, or come from a noble family. Aristotle’s academic achievements and the founding of the Peripatetic School, apart from his unparalleled genius, to a significant degree, were the result of the patronage of Alexander the Great.
The Warring States period (475-221 BC) was a historically transitional era; the collapse of the traditional feudal order led to the reshuffling of the social stratum and the rise of the shih 士.8 Before this seismic change, the right to education was exclusively reserved for the aristocratic families. Individuals from a noble house must master the classical six arts: rites, music, archery, chariot-driving, calligraphy, and mathematics 禮樂射御書數.
And most importantly, the role of education was controlled by the political authority, meaning private individuals in society could not access it. In other words, the center of political power was also the center of education. This is referred to as the integration of political authority and education 官師治教合.9
This situation changed amid social and political upheavals, in which the government could no longer remain the sole legitimate authority for education and academic studies. The greatness of Confucius, thus, lies in the fact that, for the first time in Chinese history, private education became possible due to his efforts.10 As a result, the “hundred schools” rose to the center stage of this era, leaving future generations with the wisdom of Confucianism, Mohism, Taoism, Legalism, School of Diplomacy, School of Military Strategists, School of Yin-Yang, School of Names, and so on.
With this background, we can speculate further about Chuang Tzu’s family lineage.
In Chuang Tzu’s time, and for many centuries thereafter, to have the opportunity to get a full-rounded education, not to mention becoming a well-known scholar, was still very much unobtainable for most people with an average family background.
Given this historical context and the unique characteristics of the book of Chuang Tzu, it has been conjectured that he was an offspring of an ancient noble family from the state of Chu 楚.11 The historic state of Chu was renowned for its distinctive cultural system, which was reflected in the literary works through elements of mythology, romanticism, and imagination. All these elements can be found in the book of Chuang Tzu. For some unknown reason, perhaps due to some misfortune in the midst of social changes, Chuang Tzu’s family emigrated to the state of Song.
The ethos of the state of Song, as a collateral line of the early Shang dynasty, was open, simple, mysterious, and distinctively spiritual and religious.12 Chuang Tzu’s prose writings are full of humor, limitless imagination, infinite thoughts, parables, and conversations rich in hidden meanings and profound wisdom.
A more important estimation is derived from the fundamental outlook and message from Chuang Tzu’s writings. Different from most other philosophical schools that were primarily concerned with pragmatic affairs, such as creating and building business, the restoration of moral order and political stability, national defense and military tactics, Chuang Tzu’s writings are primarily occupied with the problems of the heart-mind, or in general, issues with the human soul. In other words, they can be dismissed as a focus on impractical things (as numerous commentaries and criticisms have done so).
From reading the numerous conversations and personal insights in the book, we constantly get a sense of humorous cynicism regarding the smallness of human ambitions, the limits of our cognizance of the infinite universe, the unbounded realm of spiritual freedom, a pathos on the mysterious nature of life, and sometimes the futility of human language and debates.
We can see that such a personality, and the general outlook on life derived from it, is too complex to be categorized. At the same time, it’s not difficult to recognize that qualities like sensitivity, empathy, and deep thinking can often come with a cost: an irresistible inner force that makes Chuang Tzu detach from the phenomenal world. In particular, he had the capabilities and intelligence of a scholar and could have become a well-respected and renowned figure with worldly success. Yet, he was not interested in all this entanglement.
Compared to the busy life of getting involved in social and political endeavors, which often makes the ambitious deeply devoted in the struggle for worldly things, Chuang Tzu preferred to live as an ordinary person, wandering the world as he pleased, as he wished. Perhaps, deep down in his thoughts, we, as individuals, are too easily getting ourselves entangled with the irresistible illusion, that is, the mirage of life.
Si Maqian, “Lao-tzu and Han Fei, Memoir 3,” trans. Hans van Ess, in The Grand Scribe’s Records 史記, Volume VII, edit. William H. Nienhauser (Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 2021),
Burton Watson, “The Mountain Tree,” in The Complete Works of Zhuangzi (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012), 165.
Wang Shumin 王叔岷 pointed out the book of Chuang Tzu had 52 chapters based on other historical records, thus, given the discrepancy regarding the scope of the original Chuang Tzu, Guo Xiang’s classification of Chuang Tzu’s works into “Inner Chapters 內篇,” “Outer Chapters 外篇,” and “Miscellaneous Chapters 雜篇” should be taken with a grain of salt. A more proper way to read Chuang Tzu is to treat each chapter equally. For one thing, we don’t know whether this was the intention of Chuang Tzu to divide his works this way. And more importantly, the missing chapters are not necessarily less representative of Chuang Tzu’s thought. See Wang Shumin, Zhuang Xue Guankui 莊學管闚 (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 2007), 88.
William H. Nienhauser, 43.
“Shih 士,” or free-floating scholars, belonged to a particular social class applied to the stratum of lower service nobility in the Spring and Autumn Period (771-476 BC). With the passage of time and changes in social order, these scholars, with diverse backgrounds, wandered from state to state, offering their counsel and expertise. See Benjamin I. Schwartz, The World of Thought in Ancient China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 135.
Burton Watson, “Lie Yukou,” in The Complete Works of Zhuangzi (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012), 279-286.
William H. Nienhauser, 43.
Yu Ying-shih, Historical Essays on China’s Intellectual Class 中國知識階層史論 (Taipei: Linking Publishing Press, 1980), 10–29.
Zhang Xuecheng, General Principles of Literature and History 文史通義 (Shanghai: Shanghai Shudian, 1988), 37.
Confucius was also the first philosopher to lead China’s philosophical breakthrough in the Axial Age. Taoism’s breakthrough was the most revolutionary among the various schools in ancient China. In Chuang Tzu, we see the distinction of “the realm of this world 方內” and “the realm of the other world 方外.” For a thorough study of this, see Yu Yingshih, Between the Heaven and the Human — An Exploration into Origin of the Chinese Mind in Classical Antiquity 論天人之際: 中國古代思想起源試探 (Taipei: Linking Publishing Press, 2014), 85-120.
Cui Dahua, Research on Zhuangzi Studies 莊學研究 (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1992), 29.
Qian Mu 錢穆, Comprehensive Study of Chuang Tzu and Lao Tzu 莊老通辨 (Taipei: Linking Publishing House, 1998), 1-2.
A great character. When I read Laozi and Chuangzi, I do so through a lens of an early scientific attempt to understand the nature of the world and our place in it. We are closer in some ways today, but “we” still are tempted to find our specialness and place ourselves outside nature.
Well-researched and clearly articulated, Yuxuan! I will revisit this as there's lots to unpack. Thanks for introducing 內聖外王. I'm looking forward to your future post, as you mentioned, as you compare the "true" ideas of Zhuangzi vs the idea of complete withdrawal from the world.
"The success of introducing foreign ideas depends on whether there are receptive cultural elements within the society itself." - This line right here resonates deeply with the cultural absorption and development in Japan, from Confucianism to Buddhism. Separately, I just encountered the Japanese philosophical anarchist ideas, much influenced by the West but it really made me think of Zhuangzi.